Overview:
This investigation by THE CITY particulars how an undisclosed community of fundraisers—enterprise figures and political allies—bundled donations for Mayor Eric Adams’ campaigns by utilizing a loophole that exempts campaign-sponsored occasions from middleman disclosure, elevating ethics considerations and triggering scrutiny from New York Metropolis’s Marketing campaign Finance Board.
Greg B. Smith and Yoav Gonen | THE CITY
In October 2023, Mayor Eric Adams confirmed up for the opening of a brand new workplace of a giant private damage legislation agency, Morgan & Morgan, smiling and posing for selfies in Manhattan’s South Avenue Seaport. The agency made certain to post photos of the mayor’s seemingly random go to on social media.
The go to, nonetheless, was something however random.
A couple of months earlier, Adams himself had recruited one of many agency’s attorneys to lift marketing campaign donations for his re-election bid and had granted the lawyer an unique in-person sit-down organized by his chief fundraiser. The lawyer then bundled $21,000 price of contributions for the mayor.
None of this was within the public eye.

That’s due to a loophole within the legislation that claims campaigns do not need to reveal bundlers as intermediaries — money-raisers who choreograph a number of donations to campaigns — in the event that they’re doing this fundraising in connection to an occasion paid for, partly or complete, by the marketing campaign. On this case, it was a efficiency of the musical “New York, New York” the Adams marketing campaign had organized on the St. James Theater off Broadway, forking over some $75,000 for seats.
The non-public damage lawyer was hardly alone. An investigation by THE CITY has discovered that Adams didn’t disclose a military of those secret bundlers to town’s Marketing campaign Finance Board — a lapse that’s authorized, however ethically doubtful, marketing campaign finance specialists say.
Tons of of pages of texts with Adams’ chief fundraiser Brianna Suggs overlaying each the 2021 and 2025 campaigns that had been launched just lately reveal the identities of those obvious bundlers as they exchanged detailed lists of potential donors that they had recognized for her and, in some circumstances, promised to lift six-figures price of donations.
They embody John Sampson, the as soon as high chief within the state Senate who was sentenced to five years prison time after his conviction on obstruction of justice fees; Scott Sartiano, the founding father of Zero Bond (the mayor’s favourite NYC hotspot), the lobbyist George Fontas and Assemblymember Jenifer Rajkumar (D-Queens), a supporter who for a time made frequent appearances on the mayor’s press conferences.

The courtroom filings additionally reveal a extra distinguished fundraising function than beforehand identified for Winnie Greco, the longtime Adams volunteer aide and fundraiser, who served as his Asian affairs director at Metropolis Corridor from January 2022 by means of October 2024 — and who recently attempted at hand a CITY reporter $300 in money stuffed in a bag of potato chips.
In every case, the texts doc these avid Adams supporters gathering a number of checks, usually for the utmost allowed ($2,100), to bathe the marketing campaign with tens of 1000’s of {dollars} — a lot of which Adams then used to say matching public {dollars}. None had been disclosed as a result of their money-raising was linked to a campaign-sponsored occasion — a workaround election specialists say occurs now and again, however to not the diploma the Adams’ marketing campaign employed.
“These individuals are clearly bundlers,” Susan Lerner of the non-partisan watchdog group Widespread Trigger mentioned after reviewing lots of of pages of Suggs’ texts. “If there may be some discrepancy within the definition of bundlers that doesn’t permit for them to be disclosed as a result of it’s a campaign-sponsored occasion, that must be closed. They’re bundlers. Interval. And bundlers should be disclosed.”
Beneath metropolis legislation, campaigns are required to reveal the identities of intermediaries who elevate money at non-campaign-sponsored occasions. Disclosing the identities of bundlers lets voters truly see who’s making an attempt to realize further affect with candidates by pulling collectively a number of donations nicely above the utmost quantity people are allowed to offer.
One Hour With the Mayor
Within the case of the private damage lawyer, the association began with the mayor.
It started within the heady days of late spring 2023, earlier than Suggs’ dwelling was raided by the FBI, earlier than the mayor’s telephones had been seized, earlier than he was indicted by federal prosecutors, earlier than the taint of corruption triggered by sweeping investigations and indictments that might power the resignations of a lot of the highest tier of his administration. On the time, he was considered as cruising to a second time period and was on the prowl for marketing campaign {dollars}.
That Could, Suggs texted Reuven Moskowitz, on the time a lawyer at Morgan & Morgan, informing him that the mayor had despatched her his contact data “regarding the fundraiser he [Adams] is internet hosting on June sixteenth.” How the mayor obtained this data will not be clear. Neither Moskowitz nor Todd Shapiro, the mayor’s marketing campaign spokesperson, responded to THE CITY’s questions concerning the genesis of their relationship.
Whereas Suggs and Moskowitz had been discussing fundraising for the Mayor, she arrange a gathering between him and Adams at one of many mayor’s favored eating places, Osteria La Baia in Midtown Manhattan. On this textual content trade, Moskowitz requested Suggs, “How lengthy do I get to take a seat with the mayor?” She responded, “one hour.”
After the assembly, Moskowitz texted Suggs, thanking her and stating he was “nonetheless on such a excessive from the night with you and the Mayor.” Then, in the identical textual content, he requested for details about “serving to” with the June 16 fundraiser.

Subsequent texts with Suggs present the 2 discussing his efforts to scare up contributions. At one level, she despatched him a listing of his donors that had “are available out of your names up to now who’d given.” He instantly responded, “I’m going to examine in on the others.”
Marketing campaign finance data present 10 donations of $2,100 every from Suggs’ record who gave to Adams, all on June 7. They embody Moskowitz and 6 different attorneys at Morgan & Morgan.
“It seems like they might be bundling,” mentioned Sarah Steiner, a lawyer who vetted contributions for Kathryn Garcia’s 2021 mayoral bid. In that marketing campaign, Garcia disclosed greater than 40 intermediaries, whereas Adams claimed solely 4. Within the 2025 marketing campaign, he’s claiming 12, however Moskowitz isn’t on that record due to the campaign-sponsored occasion loophole. (Assemblymember Zohran Mamdani has 15, ex-Gov. Andrew Cuomo has 76, and Guardian Angels founder Curtis Sliwa has zero).
“To one of the best of my data that was not achieved within the 2021 marketing campaign the place I represented Kathryn,” Steiner mentioned. “Kathryn ran a really cautious, dotting-your-Is, crossing-your-Ts marketing campaign. That’s not one thing that was achieved. The size that you just’re describing can also be greater than I’m used to seeing, even in the event you scale it down for smaller campaigns.”
She mentioned the dialogue about Moskowitz getting one-on-one time with the mayor whereas additionally discussing fundraising raises different moral questions on potential pay-to-play.
“It’s a very superb line as a result of we don’t know what was mentioned on the assembly within the restaurant,” Steiner mentioned. “There’s no quid professional quo within the segue from, ‘Gee we had an ideal meal’ to ‘What would you like me to do subsequent?’ However it will be honest to imagine that there’s a connection between the assembly and the fundraising.”
Concerning Adams’ look on the Morgan & Morgan workplace opening, Steiner famous, “I feel it’s untoward to do a legislation workplace opening because the mayor of New York. It’s not unlawful. It’s simply sort of de classe’.”
Adams’ marketing campaign spokesperson didn’t reply to THE CITY’s questions on Moskowitz, his assembly with the mayor or the mayor’s look on the Morgan & Morgan workplace opening. As a substitute, he issued a short assertion noting that Moskowitz and a number of other different would-be bundlers referenced in Suggs’ texts “didn’t should be disclosed as a result of the occasion was a campaign-sponsored occasion.”
‘Will Increase 100k’
Newly launched courtroom filings reviewed by THE CITY additionally reveal a fundraising function for former state Senator John Sampson, an ally of Adams since they each served in Albany collectively beginning in 2006.
In a single July 20, 2021 textual content to Suggs, he wrote, “Want dates after Labor Day to host a fundraiser with my boss Julio [Medina] and resort proprietor. Will elevate 100K.”
The textual content was written inside months of Sampson’s launch from federal jail and shortly after he was employed by Julio Medina, CEO of Exodus Transitional Group, to function the nonprofit’s website coordinator.
Exodus on the time operated a social companies program for previously incarcerated people at a Queens resort owned by the developer Weihong Hu, the place Sampson was serving to to prepare the fundraiser for Adams.
On Sept. 24, 2021, as THE CITY previously reported, Sampson, Medina and Hu joined Adams and eight others at a personal VIP eating desk in Hu’s resort in Contemporary Meadows for lobster and purple potatoes, whereas a bigger group of donors mingled in a room close by.

After his preliminary textual content to Suggs, Sampson lowered the fundraising purpose for the occasion to “50-100k.” However he additionally tried to get two further fundraisers on the books, which he mentioned might usher in as much as a further $50,000. In a single textual content from July 2021, Sampson wrote “my purpose is to lift mini 250 earlier than Nov.”
As he helped manage the fundraisers, Sampson requested Suggs to schedule a zoom name between Medina and Adams to debate an initiative he known as the “Rikers Cultural Group.” The texts don’t present whether or not that assembly occurred.
Sampson went on to work for Hu as president of an organization that managed a few of her inns beginning round January 2023. As THE CITY beforehand reported, his work included committing to serving to Hu land a migrant shelter contract, in keeping with a former metropolis authorities official. Considered one of Hu’s Lengthy Island Metropolis inns scored a $7.5 million migrant contract in 2023 with town’s Division of Homeless Providers.
In Could 2023 Sampson as soon as once more pitched in to assist elevate funds for the marketing campaign, texting Suggs on the thirty first to “Ship me a hyperlink to the occasion ASAP.”
She despatched him an invitation to the St. James efficiency, and Sampson texted again, “Who to make the try to?”
On June 8, he despatched Suggs a listing of seven $1,000 donors and wrote, “may have extra to ship as soon as I affirm.”
In an interview with THE CITY, Sampson mentioned his marketing campaign help concerned linking individuals who got here to him wanting to carry fundraisers or make donations with Suggs.
“They reached out to me as a result of they know that I do know him,” Sampson mentioned when reached by telephone Friday. “I move the data alongside to the marketing campaign folks and ensure every thing is above board.”
‘Cash Talks’
Winnie Greco, who was just lately suspended from the Adams marketing campaign after handing a CITY reporter money in a potato chip bag, additionally performed a bigger than beforehand identified function within the marketing campaign’s fundraising efforts. Textual content messages Greco exchanged with Suggs present that Greco was behind a June 9, 2023 fundraising occasion hosted by Hu, the resort developer, which was detailed in a previous investigative report by THE CITY.
A day earlier, Greco had organized a fundraiser at Chinatown restaurant Hakka Delicacies that was attended by quite a few donors affiliated with a gaggle vying to take over a metropolis lease for the financially struggling East Broadway Mall, an occasion that was first reported by Documented.
The principle bidder was an entity generally known as Broadway East Group (BEG) LLC, and it was supported by the Chinese language Chamber of Commerce of New York, whose head, Wade Li, owns Hakka Delicacies.
The courtroom filings reveal that Greco helped immediately safe donations to Adams’ marketing campaign from people linked to the BEG group, at the same time as she was assembly on the time with bidders on the East Broadway Mall lease as a part of her authorities job. Greco despatched screenshots to Suggs of eight donations made the night time of the Hakka Delicacies fundraiser on June 8, 5 of which had been from contributors linked to BEG members.

Terry Chan, whose household constructed and operated the mall since building was accomplished in 1988, mentioned he met with Greco and the pinnacle of actual property for town’s Division of Citywide Administrative Providers, Jesse Hamilton, a lot of weeks forward of the June fundraiser.
DCAS is town company that oversees the East Broadway Mall lease, which Chan’s household was making an attempt to resume beneath extra favorable phrases after submitting for chapter.
Chan advised THE CITY that at his assembly with Greco and Hamilton, which additionally occurred at Hakka Delicacies, Greco successfully advised him that “cash talks” relating to profitable the bid.
“Winnie mainly says it’s a must to give you more cash,” mentioned Chan.
He mentioned on the finish of the assembly Greco stayed behind at Hakka Delicacies to fulfill with one other bidder. Greco didn’t instantly reply to an in depth textual content message in search of remark.
Town announced a tentative deal with the BEG group for the East Broadway Mall lease in August of 2023. However that deal started to disintegrate in early 2024 following FBI raids of Greco’s two properties in The Bronx.
A June 2024 article within the New York Every day Information reported some jittery traders had jumped ship from BEG, whereas a letter filed in a chapter continuing by the Chan household alleged that one of many group’s traders was a former gangster.
However final month, the deal nonetheless went to BEG group, which DCAS officers say now consists of simply two members.
‘Journey Wire’
In a previous statement to THE CITY, Adams marketing campaign lawyer, Vito Pitta, has contended, “It’s not at all times instantly obvious when people are performing as intermediaries as a result of campaigns largely depend on contributors to establish themselves as intermediaries after informing them of the principles.”
Within the case of Scott Sartiano, co-founder of Zero Bond, the Noho non-public membership the mayor frequents, it will be unimaginable for the marketing campaign to not know.
Adams put him on his transition group after profitable the election in 2021, then gave him a coveted appointment to the board of the Metropolitan Museum the following yr. Plus Adams’ frequent late night appearances at his unique venue helped pump up the movie star vibe of the place.
So it will seem Sartiano repaid the favor within the weeks main as much as the June 16, 2023 occasion on the St. James Theater. Suggs’ texts present Satriano despatched her a listing of 46 potential donors. Three days earlier than the occasion, he texted her, “Are you able to ship me updates of donors so I do know who to name and remind and many others.”
Two days later Sartiano texted Suggs that he was nonetheless chasing more cash from the record of donors he’d despatched her “who both mentioned they’d donate or didn’t donate. Please let me know who gave (and who didn’t) so I can attain out to them right now.” Sartiano didn’t return THE CITY’s calls in search of remark.
Marketing campaign finance data present Sartiano was capable of elevate at the least $37,000 from the record of potential donors he despatched to Suggs, a set of donors he known as “my record”.
The marketing campaign additionally paid Zero Bond greater than $7,000 to carry occasions there, together with a reception previous the St. James Theater occasion.
Artwork Chang, a former member of the Marketing campaign Finance Board, mentioned Adams’ reliance on hidden bundlers goes to the broader difficulty of what he sees because the marketing campaign’s flaunting of CFB guidelines to forestall voters from seeing people in search of undue affect with Metropolis Corridor by elevating huge bucks for the mayor.
“The report protecting is so sloppy that it verges on impropriety,” Chang mentioned, “however the concept someone who might have pursuits in entrance of some facet of metropolis authorities could be negotiating what sort of time, what sort of implicit association the mayor may need with some donor – that’s precisely the explanation why the marketing campaign finance board has these guidelines concerning the disclosure of intermediaries. It’s simply plain incorrect.”
Adams has sued the CFB over its continued refusal to award him matching funds. The board has moved to dismiss the lawsuit, arguing that it’s justified in denying him the funds as a result of he seems to have already violated CFB legal guidelines and he has did not adequately reply to the board’s requests for documentation about suspected intermediaries and doable straw donations.
John Kaehny, director of the watchdog group Reinvent Albany, famous that unlawful straw donations — contributions that masks the true id of the donor — are normally gathered by intermediaries, disclosed or not.
“Virtually all straw donor scams are achieved by bundlers,” he mentioned. “Bundler disclosure is sort of a journey wire for straw donors. If the bundler is disclosed, it’s straightforward to assessment who they raised contributions from. If the bundler will not be reported, however marketing campaign officers detect a cluster of straw donors, it offers marketing campaign finance officers possible trigger to difficulty subpoenas to search out out what’s happening and a particular authorized purpose to disclaim a marketing campaign public matching funds.”